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Mr. Gregg: Mr. President, I wanted to talk about border security.
Obviously it's a topic of hot discussion on the floor. I just wanted
to put in perspective what has actually happened and what may happen,
especially in light of the President's presentation on Monday night.
I have the good fortune, I guess, to chair the appropriations
subcommittee which has the responsibility for border security.
I took this over a year and a half ago. When I took the committee
over it became apparent to me that the priorities within the Department
of Homeland Security were not necessarily focused on what I considered
to be the primary threats.
So we reoriented the funding within the Department to look at
threat first, the highest level threat being of course, a weapon
of mass destruction which might be used against America. So we
started to significantly increase funding in that account. The
second highest level threat in my opinion was the fact that our
borders were simply not secure. They were porous. We didn't know
who was coming in. We didn't know who was leaving. We did know
a large number of people were coming in illegally, especially across
the southern border. We know on the northern border that although
we don't have the issue of a human wave of illegal immigrants coming
into the country, we do have a serious issue of who might come
across the northern border who represent clear and present threats
to us, probably even more so than across the southern border in
some cases.
So we implemented funding within the programs through our bill
-- the first bill that I was in charge of. Now, at that time, the
Administration sent up a proposal which essentially continued what
I would call the benign effect of border security. That would call
for border agents and no increase in capability -- or in infrastructure
or in the capacity of ICE. A proposal in the Coast Guard area was
anemic.
So we took that proposal which came up from the Administration
and we reoriented that, too. We said we're going to increase the
number of border security agents on the border by 8,000. We're
going to spend about four years to five years doing that. We had
to begin slowly because the training facilities simply weren't
there for this type of a huge increase in border security staff.
So we began with a supplemental number of 500 and we followed that
up with additional agents in the next regular bill that came through.
So we added 1,500 new agents.
Agents are not the only issue. Boots on the ground are not the
only issue. Technology is an issue. But probably more important
is the issue of what you do with an illegal immigrant who has come
across the border once you capture that person once they cross
the border. Most of them are Mexican on the southern border, about
85%, and you put them on a bus and they come back a week later.
A number of them are non-Mexicans and they were given a catch and
release status where you essentially gave them an indictment that
said that they must return to be heard in a hearing, two or three
weeks, maybe a month later, then you release these individuals.
Of course, most of them never come back. I think 66% never return
for that hearing. So that wasn't working so we felt we should significantly
increase the number of detention beds so that we would have the
capacity to actually hold people, especially non-Mexicans coming
across our border and who we couldn't immediately return to their
country. So we started to expand the number of beds. We increased
the number by 1,800 in that first budget cycle.
After having done that, it was ironic and I guess appropriate,
that the White House came forward and said “what a great
idea.” That's our idea. Let us take credit for this idea.
So they held a press conference and said what a wonderful idea
that you had to increase the number of border agents by 1,500 and
the number of beds by a couple hundred and that we had actually
taken the money and put it into border security. That was a year
ago.
Now the new budget came up again. The Administration sent up a
budget that was oriented towards border security in that they represented
that they were going to increase the number of agents by another
1,500 and the number of beds by 6,000 and that they were going
to put more money into the Coast Guard initiative, what is called
Deepwater. It's not really deep water. It would be better called
protecting our coastline from deep threat. This is threat protection
along our coasts.
They made these commitments within the budget they sent up. What
they failed to do, however, was fund the commitments. They sent
up a hollow budget in that they put in a system for paying for
border patrol agents and new beds by increasing the fees on people
who are traveling on airplanes by $1.2 billion. Of course, that
fee proposal was rejected a year before. The chairman of the committee
who has jurisdiction of that fee proposal had rejected it out of
hand this year when the budget was sent up and everybody knows
that it's not going anywhere. It's what's called a plug. It happens
around here. People send up a budget and they put a plug in it
that is essentially a number they know they won't get but put it
in to make the budget look correct. This was a plug.
Clearly airline fees, if they are going to be increased that revenue
should go towards airline traffic protection, TSA activities, maybe
visa activity, but it's not appropriate to put an increase on the
airline traffic passenger, on people using the airlines, and put
the fee on the border. If you want a fee on the border, put a fee
on the border. But a 50 cent charge. If people want to come across
the border maybe it should cost the people 75 cents. That wasn't
proposed.
We raise the airline fee and we have a plug number. Even though
they sent up a budget which alleged they were going to increase
the number of agents by1, 500 and the number of beds by 6,000 as
a practical matter it would be very hard for us to do that under
the numbers that they sent up to back up those commitments. But
at least the commitment was there. Which, as chairman of that subcommittee,
put me a difficult position because basically I have to go find
that $1.2 billion to fill that hole to get the funding to get those
agents which we have intended to do. That means I have to convince
the chairman of the full committee, Senator Cochran, to take money
from some other committee in order to do that within the confines
of the budget – obviously a difficult position for Senator
Cochran and a position he shouldn't be put in, nor should I.
Now as we looked hard at the border patrol issue and the securing
of the border issue it became apparent that not only were boots
on the ground an issue but actual physical capital assets were
a huge issue.
For example, the planes flown by the Customs agents are 30 to 40
years past their useful life. The helicopters being flown by the
Border Patrol agents are 20 years past their useful life. The Coast
Guard has a fleet which is very aged and which is not fast. They
have one or two planes that are up to snuff but most of their planes
need to be refurbished. And in addition the unmanned technology
along the border, specifically the unmanned aerial vehicles, there
was one. Regrettably it crashed two weeks ago. That's been discussed
on this floor. There are actually none right now. There won't be
a new one until August.
The aircraft fleet is so bad that about a month ago the entire
fleet was grounded. We had no planes in the air. You have the vehicle
issue, which is that these vehicles wear out very quickly because
they are used very aggressively in very difficult terrain, and
then you've got the issue of training facilities. As you dramatically
expand the number of people in the border patrol, you need training
facilities. They've been upgraded but they need to be upgraded
further to handle the people they are going to put in there.
I suggested about a year and a half ago we do a capital infusion
into the border security effort which would essentially accelerate
the Coast Guard refurbishment, taking it from completion to 2026,
which I thought was a little long to wait, to 2016; get the new
planes for the Customs agency; get new helicopters for the Border
Patrol; have instead of one Predator that no longer exists on the
border, three or four Predators on the border or like facilities.
There are other technologies that are a lot cheaper and that should
be pursued using technology for land protection; and to give the
Border Patrol physical facilities so when we get the agents together
in their facilities they have a place to sit down and they have
desks to work at and vehicles that allow them to go out in the
field and do their job.
To accomplish that was a $1.9 billion effort. So I initially
put that forward in the defense bill last year. It got knocked
out. It went in on the Senate floor, went to conference, got knocked
out. I then put it in the Reconciliation bill. It got knocked out.
I then put it in, with the strong support of the Senate, especially
Senator Byrd, who has been just a pleasure to work with as the
ranking member on this subcommittee, I then put it into the most
recent supplemental that came across the floor, $1.9 billion for
capital activity.
Well in the presentation by the President on Monday night which
suggested that we bring in the National Guard to basically, as
I understand it, free up Border Patrol agents from desk jobs and
get them out in the field- to simplify the statement of what they'll
be doing. Although they'll be doing more than that I'm sure.
Essentially this is funded by taking the $1.9 billion and moving
it from capital refurbishment over to operational exercises. That,
in my opinion, is not necessarily...well, I'll let people assess
that. But it would mean the capital initiative would no longer
exist and the dollars would go to pay for the National Guard and
other activities that are operational in nature, including adding
an additional 1,000 border agents on top of the 1,500 which we
did plan to add this year, which would be good if we could actually
accomplish that.
However, the technical restrictions on the ability to hire takes
about 40,000 applications to get 1,000 agents. And the capacity
to train is extremely limited. Is limited. Not extremely limited.
But it is limited so you probably can't do 2,500 agents in the
time frame this proposal is put forward. Maybe you can. I doubt
it. The track record of this Department in this area is not stellar.
So essentially what's happening is that the $1.9 billion which
was supposed to go to capital improvement to get the planes so
they could fly, the helicopters so they could fly, the Predators
so they can be in the air, the vehicles so they can drive around
the border, it doesn't exist anymore.
I was told by the chairman of the conference yesterday, good luck
in getting this money. If you want to break the President's hard
number of $94 billion and claim it as an emergency, you can get
the money and get it that way. Of course as Chairman of the Budget
Committee, I'm not -- when I put this proposal forward I had it
actually paid for, and that was the key to this. I took it out
of an across-the-board cut on defense. Not my first choice on how
to pay for it, but on the request of Senator Stevens and Senator
Warner, I did that. I'm not going to put forth a proposal which
exceeds the $94 billion and is unpaid for.
There is no way to pay for this, it appears, within the money
going to the Defense Department within this supplemental as an
add-on to the initial $1.9 billion. You would need obviously $3.8
billion at that point.
This capital improvement exercise is essentially dead as a result
of the money being moved, migrated over to the operational side
relative to the national guard. The practical effect of that also
will be that the outyear pressure on the budget for appropriations
relative to this account will be significantly higher because we
will be putting in place a budget item-- essentially paying for
the National Guard or the people who replace the National Guard
which will be at least $1.9 billion in costs annually on top of
the presently appropriated plan.
To do it correctly, we should not only use this $1.9 billion
for this operational activity, but there should have been a supplemental
request for the budget of the Department of Homeland Security,
to reflect the, what you might call the expense that's going to
be generated by the ongoing cost of putting this type of initiative
in the field if you're going to be sure that the initiative will
continue and will be robust. And I would be very much in support
of that.
Because clearly that number's going to have to be paid for, and
I already have a $1.2 billion hole in that budget which I have
to pay for in order to get the full 1,500 complement in place of
additional agents. Now I will have a $1.2 billion hole plus a $1.9
billion hole on the operational side. And in addition, of course,
I will have a $1.9 billion hole on the capital expenditure side
because we still have these airplanes that have to be replaced
and helicopters that have to be replaced, unmanned vehicles that
have to be put in the air and a Coast Guard that really shouldn't
have to wait until 2026 to be able to adequately defend our coastline.
So I just wanted to outline the specifics of where we are now
on the dollars relative to border patrol and border security. Because
when you get down to it, this is not a complex issue, securing
our border. We all know that with 8,000 more agents, with about
10,000 more detention beds, we have a decent technology on the
border relative to unmanned vehicles and sensors, we have a Coast
Guard that's up to snuff, airplanes that are up to snuff; we can
essentially control the border, to the extent you can control it
without a guest worker program in place.
A guest worker program still, is, in my opinion critical to any
long-term resolution of this program because human nature says
people are going to cross the border if they're getting paid $5
in Mexico and $50 in the United States for a day's labor and they've
got a family to support. So that's an element of it.
But the first element, I think everybody agreed to that, is decent
border security. And decent border security only requires resources.
We've got the capacity to do it. We have the technology to do it.
It would be nice if the Defense Department would share a little
more aggressively with Homeland Security or Homeland Security,
on the other hand, would go out and actually actively try to get
the Defense Department to share.
But we've got all the parts sitting there in the box. What we
have to do is pay the price of taking them out of the box and put
them in the places they should be. And so I just wanted to outline
where we stand relative to the issue of resources, because I think
there's been considerable confusion, especially in light of the
speech by the President on Monday.
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